Bangladesh witnessed a concerning rise in mob violence since the post-July uprising. According to the Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK), between August to December in 2024, vigilante attackers caused 96 deaths. In most cases, individuals are often suspected of robbery, blasphemy, criminal activity and political affiliation which leads to attacks by crowds without any legal process.
The term ‘mob justice’ is often considered a form of vigilantism. Vigilantism is the unauthorized exercise of law when individuals or groups take the law into their own hands and attempt to enforce justice. In Bangladesh, the incidences of mob justice are usually a result of a buildup of pre-existing prejudices, tensions and frustrations that were rooted in lack of confidence in the rule of law and the justice system. Furthermore, some swift circulation of rumors and misinformation, especially through social media, is behind the root of mob violence.
In an interview with the FIDH, several individuals expressed the perception that suspects turned over to police were eventually released without facing proper punishment. This leads to vigilante mob action because a section of the public views mob justice as preferable to relying on the state institutions that are often seen as ineffective. To be able to comprehend the trend and magnitude of mob violence in Bangladesh over time, the following data is used to explain the number of deaths per year.
Figure 1: Killed in Mob Violence (2014–2025)
Source: Odhikar’s Annual Human Rights Report
The graph above shows the number of deaths by mob violence from 2014 to 2025. As per Odhikar, the numbers of deaths fluctuated between 2016 and 2022. Although this number shifted significantly after 2023 when 60 people were killed. The number peaked in 2024 where 121 individuals were killed due to mob violence, followed by 125 killed in 2025. So, it is not something new in Bangladesh. However, these incidents clearly increased during the post-2024 political transition period.
Similar cases are seen in India, where they often get criticized due to several mob violence incidents. According to The Hindustan Gazette, a total 14 lynching incidents were recorded in 2025. The increasing number of such cases prompted Indian judicial intervention. In the case of Tehseen S. Poonawalla vs Union of India, the Supreme Court of India regarded mob lynching as an attack on the rule of law and instructed both Central and State governments to take both preventive and punitive actions. The Court recommends the appointment of district level nodal officers to supervise incidents of mob violence. Such steps pointed out the mob violence as criminal acts. The establishment of police response mechanisms and the implementation of new laws minimized such incidents in the country. In addition, some states have already implemented anti-lynching laws to prevent such incidents. India can serve as an example of how Bangladesh can deal with the problem of mob violence through the application of the preventive approach based on the use of nodal officers and increased enforcement.
Articles 27 and 31 of the Constitution of Bangladesh guarantee equality before the law and equal protection of the law, while Articles 33 and 35 ensure provisions about due process and the right to a fair trial. These provisions provide that no one can be considered guilty unless found by the law. As per the Penal Code 1860 sections, crimes including murder, causing hurt and illegal violence fall under section 302, 319, 323 and 335 respectively. Also, the definition under section 34 creates joint liability, whereby all participants in a violent act can be equally culpable if it is committed with common intention. Section 59 of the Code of Criminal Procedure 1898 also states that, with few exceptions, those arrested must be handed over to law enforcement officials, a provision that strengthens the idea that suspects should go through the formal legal system rather than be punished by the public. Despite all these legal provisions, the rate of such incidents in Bangladesh is very alarming. Most importantly, Bangladesh lacks a specific legal framework addressing the issue, which is why every government faces challenges to prevent such incidents. Meanwhile, the number of such incidents continues to increase.
An analysis by Prothom Alo shows data of 46 incidents of mob violence in 2025, where cases filed were only 36, while 10 incidents saw no legal action. Across these cases, 9,000 individuals were accused for 27 cases but only 114 people were arrested, which shows the arrest rate of only 1.27%. The case progression of these incidents is too slow and officials lack accountability. The data reveals significant weakness in the justice process. These failures are also the reasons behind more mob violence seen in society.
Human rights organizations such as HRSS have raised concerns about the weak enforcement of existing laws. Existing laws now mostly deal with punishment after violence occurs and a lack of accountability can be seen. If the system keeps failing like this, it will fuel a culture where people think they can get away with anything. So, it’s high time and a clear sign that Bangladesh desperately needs tougher laws and institutional mechanisms to address mob violence. To fill this gap, specific reforms, such as police responsiveness, timely prosecution, and introduction of specific legal frameworks to fight mob violence are all required.
Arnold Drong has completed his Honours and Master’s degrees in International Relations from Jahangirnagar University.